Have I really let about two years pass without a discussion of a Tudor biography? Yes? How awful. Let's catch up, with some chatter about Alison Weir's Mary Boleyn, Henry VIII's mistress – and the sister of his second wife, Anne Boleyn, executed after a few years of married life, since by that point Henry VIII wanted to make the ending of that marriage very, very final.

If you're unfamiliar with Alison Weir, she's a biographer who in the last couple of decades has made a nice career out of writing biographies of British royals, primarily from the Tudor period. Her works are usually competently written and well footnoted. But all of this time spent in Tudor archives has created one slight problem that has appeared in previous books: Weir has developed a hatred for Anne Boleyn, which keeps spilling over into other works, and makes it particularly difficult for her to write an unbiased biography of her sister.

Weir does try, and, more so than in her other books, provides alternative viewpoints or explanations, giving due weight to previous scholars and novelists (I suspect she's received several questions about The Other Boleyn Girl, book and movie, given the number of times this book is mentioned here.) Nonetheless, the hatred – almost venom – for Anne Boleyn slips through here, more than once. For instance, in a chapter where Weir takes some pains to point out that the rumors regarding Mary Boleyn's escapades in France may be greatly exaggerated, she claims that Anne Boleyn lost her virginity in France, to Henry's great disappointment – based on one single comment from an enemy's of Anne.

As I've noted previously, it must be difficult to read contemporary sources and not start hating Anne Boleyn – many of her contemporaries had excellent reasons for at least disliking her, if not outright hating her, and they did not hesitate to write these opinions down. Our primary source for her life is the hostile letters from one Eustace Chapuys, the ambassador from the Holy Roman Empire and Spain to the English court, who (correctly) saw Anne Boleyn as a pro-French and thus political enemy, and also saw her as the personal enemy of Catherine of Aragon, a woman he admired very much. His opinion is thus understandably biased – but it is the most detailed opinion that we have, and thus, influential.

But Weir's careful attempts to give an unbiased portrayal of and defend Mary Boleyn against the accusations of contemporaries and historians alike only highlight her bias towards Anne Boleyn. And, in her zeal to defend Mary Boleyn – a historical figure that, as Weir rightfully points out, we can know very little about – she does something odd: she makes Mary Boleyn seem bland.

Yes, bland. Mary was the mistress of at least one and more probably two kings (although Weir rushes to defend her against the charge that she also slept with the king of France, and makes a credible argument that this may not have been true, whatever Mary's later reputation.) She married twice, once to a prominent courtier, and later to a considerably less prominent courtier, a marriage so unworthy of the king's sister-in-law (as she was by that time) that she was banished from court. Her daughter, Katherine Carey, though given the name of Mary's first husband, may well have been Henry VIII's illegitimate daughter (Weir concludes that the evidence for this is suggestive, but not conclusive – possibly Mary herself was not sure.) Her children became prominent and trusted members of Elizabeth I's court, allowing her son Henry, Lord Hunsdon, to create a large and horrifically overdecorated tomb in Westminister Abbey of very dubious taste. (Er. That bit is my opinion, not Weir's.) Mary watched her sister take her place in the king's affections, and watched her sister's fall – and although we cannot know if she witnessed the executions of her sister and brother, she certainly knew of them.

How bland could she have been?

Well, apparently, very bland.

It's partly because we have very few documents surviving about Mary Boleyn -- contemporaries were more dazzled, or appalled, by her sister, and in any case many documents from the period have vanished from time. And partly because this biography, so determined to defend Mary Boleyn from questionable charges, strips her of most of the stories that made her seem such a fascinating figure.

Which is not to say that the book doesn't have its interesting moments. The Tudor obsessed will probably be most fascinated with the detailed chapter called "Hiding Royal Blood," where Weir carefully examines the debatable fertility of Henry VIII, partly to determine who fathered Mary Boleyn's children. She notes that contrary to popular opinion – fostered partly by Henry VIII himself, desperate to have sons – Henry VIII did father a number of children: at least six with Katherine of Aragon (four died shortly after birth, one was born dead, and Mary, the sixth, lived to maturity); four with Anne Boleyn, with one living daughter and three miscarriages (Weir convincingly argues here, and elsewhere, that the pattern suggests that Anne Boleyn was rhesus negative, which in Tudor times generally caused miscarriages and/or infant mortality); one with Jane Seymour; and one acknowledged illegitimate son with Elizabeth Blount.

In this book, Weir makes a strong argument that Henry VIII also sired two more children: Mary's daughter Katherine Carey, and Etheldreda, daughter of a laundress. In the first case, Henry and Mary had excellent reasons for keeping the paternity of Katherine Carey secret – even if Mary had known for sure, and she might not have. In the second case, Etheldreda's mother was, as you might be guessing from her job description, not exactly of the noble class, and hardly a liaison that the king would be bragging about. Nonetheless, Henry VIII provided for Etheldreda financially and ensured she had some sort of education, enough to allow her to work for and become close to Elizabeth I later.

It is highly unlikely, as Weir notes, that Henry VIII would have done this for a random daughter of a laundress (in fact Henry VIII did not provide financially for any of the other children of the various women who did his laundry), and thus, a strong indication that Henry VIII did not always officially acknowledge his illegitimate children, especially if this acknowledgement would be inconvenient. Which in turn eliminates the argument that of course Henry VIII would have acknowledged any children of his with Mary Boleyn. Any such acknowledgement would have been highly inconvenient, especially once Henry was attempting to marry Mary's sister, and ensure that Anne's children had an unquestioned, and above all, stable route to the throne that would avoid civil war. As Weir notes, it's another – if not conclusive – argument in favor for the theory that Katherine Carey was Henry VIII's child.

Details like this, and Weir's carefully constructed arguments, do make this an interesting read. I was just sad that its subject seemed stripped of almost all interest and intrigue.

Jane

Apr. 20th, 2011 06:02 pm
So in an effort to distract myself from just how much today sucked (seriously, quite apart from falling in the post office, the highlight may have been finding out that a banker in Seattle, Washington, knows precisely how tall I am along with some other information that I don't recall ever handing over to Chase Bank, which provided a nice chilling sort of feeling), I've decided to focus on something a bit different: National Poetry Month.

Over at his blog, [profile] time_shark has been celebrating by offering a selection of previously published poems along with some notes and explanations about each. I'm going to be trying something a bit different – posting some old poems that for one reason or other were either never published or published in extremely obscure outlets and only read by a few friends, if that.

This is the first, "Jane," a poem I never bothered to submit anywhere for two reasons: one, it wasn't genre, and therefore would need to make the long, slow rounds of the poetry journals – and I had nothing else at the time to submit with it, and two, I wrote it shortly before I started working at the university – putting my entire writing career on hold for a few years.

Looking at it now, I'm struck by three things: one, that this is a pathway untaken, that is, poetry with a more "literary" than fantastical bent; two, my fascination with the Tudors really never ends, does it?; and three, I've apparently been a long time user of the phrase "only of." Something to watch for.

Because it's long, I'm putting it under a cut. Here you go. )

The Tudors

Jan. 17th, 2011 09:00 am
I did not, as it happened, watch the Golden Globes last night primarily because I couldn't figure out how to turn on the TV. That is, I could get the TV on, and I could get it to play DVDs or the Wii, but get it to recognize that yes, yes, we do have a nice digital tuner that in theory provides us unlimited access to the limited broadcast stations was not working so well. So you will not get any comments from me, snarky or otherwise, except to say that the internet was kind enough to alert me to the awesome awfulness of Helena Bonham Carter's assemblage, which just goes to show, as others noted, that once you start working for Lord Voldemort you can do anything you want with your footwear.

So instead of Golden Globes commentary, you'll get my comments on the last season of The Tudors. I saw, and was underwhelmed by, all of the first season, mostly skipped the second season, and saw, and was mildly whelmed by, portions of the third season, and figured I knew enough about the history to keep up with the historical inaccuracies, which, kinda, but more about this below.

The fourth season of the Tudors starts off with Katherine Howard becoming queen, a position which, and I'm sure you can all sympathize with this, involves the removal of a lot of clothes, and ends with Henry VIII facing death, a position which, and I'm sure you can equally all sympathize with this, does not involve the removal of any clothes at all but does involve a lot of grim looks, limping, and yelling at annoying people.

To my surprise, this season was actually more historically accurate than the first one, which, granted, is not saying much. I remain puzzled by the decision to kinda introduce the influential and powerful Archbishop Crammer as a sidenote in the last episode, while understanding that elevating Stephen Gardiner's role in Crammer's place made the whole Katherine Parr episode flow better on television. And I was not entirely surprised that the show decided to keep the (rather questionable) tale that Catherine Howard's last words were, "I die a queen, but I would rather die the wife of Thomas Culpepper," because, well, it's dramatic. And I was pleasantly surprised that the show made no attempt to whitewash Thomas Culpepper, who was accused of rape and murder, escaping punishment thanks only to a pardon from the king, who could pardon or execute, whichever. And I was resigned to the entrance of a French girl whose sole purpose is to remove as much clothing as possible given that the clothing shedding characters had just been executed so BRING IN THE NUDITY EXCUSE, like NOW. And yes, the hairstyles are all wrong and enough to make anyone cringe. Hairdressers: it's not as if the Tudors and their courtiers were unwilling to have their pictures drawn and painted.

But once again, this show has dramatic, but dramatic, characterization problems and not following through problems and severe continuity issues between episodes, some of which might have been avoided had the writers decided to follow history. For instance. In one episode, Henry VIII, married to Catherine Howard but beginning to find her irritating, heads over to Anne of Cleves. They play cards, they flirt, they sleep together.

And then the show never shows us Anne of Cleves again, except in a very small flashback in the last episode.

It's not just that this didn't happen historically (Henry remained on cordial terms with Anne of Cleves, but never slept with her after their marriage was annulled, or, if we believe their accounts, before their marriage was annulled either), but if the point was to make the audience or the characters wonder if Henry would return to Anne of Cleves, well, never having her appear again kinda ruined that point, and as a result, it all had the feel, again, of unnecessary sex scene, and given that the later episodes with Katherine Parr felt rushed (admittedly partly because we had to watch the French chick remove clothing which was not a bad thing to watch), I have to wonder why we spent any time on it. (Also, Anne of Cleves did not remove nearly as much clothing. It felt out of place on this show. If you see it, you'll understand.)

The worst disservice was done to poor Katherine Howard (and yes, even if cheating on a husband known to execute his wives was, well, not the brightest move in history, I still pity the poor girl), since the writers could not agree on her character from episode to episode, so at one point she's a sexpot, the next, innocent and naïve, the next, savvy enough to be discreet, the next, indiscreet, the next, a spoiled brat, the next, a sexpot again, trying to be nice, being outright mean, and so on. Now, it's absolutely possible that she might have been all of these things at once, but that's not what the script was showing – it was showing her shift for no apparent reason back and forth. Her ladies-in-waiting were equally inconsistent: we have Lady Rochford in one episode actively helping Thomas Culpepper sleep with Catherine, and in the very next episode, Lady Rochford looking all disapproving and handwringing over the whole affair. And so on. One small scene of Lady Rochford overhearing that someone was investigating and/or watching the queen, or a small scene of her passing Anne Boleyn's grave, might have explained this, but that's not what we get.

Oh well. The costumes, as always, were excellent, all the nekkidity looks good, and the last episode, despite some rather clichéd images and an entirely unnecessary appearance by Death, was actually quite moving. I thought that Jonathan Rhys Meyer, who plays Henry, actually improved as an actor in those last episodes, showing the great king unwilling to recognize, and then recognizing, the approach of old age, of death, of his limitations.
Yesterday I chatted about Alison Weir's biography of Katherine Swynford. Today, I'll chat about
Weir's focus on the last days of Anne Boleyn, which fares rather less well.

Here, in contrast to Katherine Swynford, we have an abundance of documentation, far more than for most women of the period. The problem is, most of the surviving contemporary documentation comes from sources that had good economic and political reason to dislike Anne Boleyn, or genuinely were horrified at what they saw as an adulteress destroying a happy, contented marriage and later a church, or were just trying to get on someone's good side. It makes the surviving vitriol against Katherine Swynford look positively kindly by comparison.

The chief source for Anne Boleyn's fall and final days comes from one Eustace Chapuys, the Spanish Ambassor beloved by historians for his habit of writing lengthy, thorough and delightfully gossipy dispatches back home. Chapuys makes no pretense of unbias; he was actively plotting to get rid of Anne Boleyn to restore the king's daughter, Mary, to favor and her right to succession, on the correct assumption that Mary would favor Spanish policies. Using his dispatches as a chief source presents obvious problems (he continually called Anne Boleyn a Concubine and a Whore and gleefully reports every tiny nasty detail about her that he could dig up). Unfortunately, other sources often date from much later, are clearly wrong, and clearly untruthful (Chapuys is clearly biased, but does present the truth as he saw it.) This forces biographers to return to Chapuys, which in turn can lead them into a trap - the very trap Weir falls into.

The trap: a growing dislike of Anne Boleyn. Fairly clear from Weir's earlier take (The Six Wives of Henry VIII), this dislike is even more clear in the first chapters of this work. This dislike is understandable; as I've noted, the chief source for her life is invariably hostile, and from other contemporary documents, many other people did not like her either, or decided that they did not like her after her execution. Many objected to her role in what was widely accepted as adultery until the death of Catherine of Aragon; many blamed her for the deaths of religious and pious people who protested both the King's divorce and his takeover of the English church. In addition, it does seem that the entire dizzying experience of going from pursued lady in waiting to pregnant to queen to trial and execution did not do wonders for Anne's personality. These hostile sources describe her a difficult and edgy woman with a temper – not qualities admired in women in Tudor England. And she seemingly had little gift for making friends – although, then again, her position may have made that difficult, and here, the sources may fail us: contemporaries paid attention to Anne Boleyn's friends only if those friends appeared to hold political power, and after her death, very few admitted to befriending her until the accession of her daughter, Elizabeth I, to the throne, at which point numerous (equally dubious) sources sprung up portraying Anne Boleyn as a Protestant saint. (That role more correctly belongs to the scholarly, pious and deeply reformist Catherine Parr, Henry VIII's last queen, who supervised the education of the Protestant Elizabeth I.) Weir is correct to treat these later memories with suspicion.

But Weir apparently fails to recognize what feminist historians, and to a considerably lesser extent Catherine of Aragon, the Seymour family, and Catherine Parr have: Henry's relationship with Anne began as what we would now term sexual harassment, and moved to stalking shortly thereafter. It is not, therefore, entirely a surprise that he ended the relationship as many stalkers do (if with the advantage of having a terrified Parliament.)

As Karen Lindsey (in an otherwise not great book) noted, being a lady-in-waiting to Catherine of Aragon was Anne's job, a job she had spent years training for. Working as a lady-in-waiting meant the rare opportunity for an upper class woman to earn an independent salary, as well as enjoying the various entertainments and free food at the court, and the chance to meet and have some influence over the choice of a marriage partner. Anne's two potential marriage contracts had fallen through; her lady-in-waiting position represented her main chance at life. And Henry chose to pursue her as she was working, even after Anne made it clear that these intentions were not welcome, and even after Anne went to the lengths of leaving court. It is notable that the astute Catherine of Aragon said very little against her rival, focusing instead on Henry.

Note that the Seymours, in a position to observe exactly what was going on in the court, moved swiftly to show the king that they would be standing with their sister. They refused to let her be alone in his presence, guarding her at all times, and consistently emphasized her virtue. As did she, begging Henry to remember her reputation when he attempted to send her money and gifts. Many contemporaries, including Chapuys, were considerably more dubious about the morals of Jane Seymour, even prior to Anne Boleyn's death; she was in her twenties, and her contemporaries assumed that she was sexually experienced, although these tales were hushed up after her marriage. Obviously (and especially taking their later activities into account) some of the reactions of the Seymours were based in ambition and knowing that a commoner could be made queen, benefiting her family along the way, but it's also distinctly possible that the Seymours, watching and knowing Henry, moved to do what they could for a beloved sister stalked by a king.

Even today, women have difficulty with sexual harassment in the workplace. It was far worse for Anne, who was facing the most powerful man in the kingdom, a man with a temper known to execute his enemies. (This got worse after her own execution, but she would certainly have been aware of the multiple executions of courtiers for treason.) It is not remotely surprising that the stress of this, combined with the knowledge that the courts of England and Europe were specifically blaming Anne for breaking up the king's marriage, painting her as the Other Woman and far worse, would damage her personality.

And what a personality. After all, this was a woman who managed, against extraordinary odds, to put off the advances of a King – and especially this king and stalker – for years. (Her successors, including the cultured, intelligent and independently wealthy Catherine Parr, deeply in love with another man, did not even try.) And, if we take a slightly more romantic view (as some scholars have done), the woman who inspired her king to change the religion of an entire country and execute some of his top scholars along the way. (If I seem to be a bit anti-Henry VIII here, it's kinda that – I'm all for his gifts as a musician and for building up the Navy and rebuilding splendid palaces and even never losing hope in the redemptive power of marriages, but, when you start executing writers, which he did, I get mad.) She was also the woman who may have helped inspire Henry's decision to break with the Roman Catholic Church (some evidence suggests that she had a personal religious awakening, and was a reformist). And yes, the woman who by all of the generally hostile accounts turned into a severe bitch towards the end, before regaining her dignity at her trial and execution. (I like to think, romantically enough, that she remembered her daughter, and wanted to do what she could in the end for her.)

All of this is a digression to say that I tend to excuse Anne Boleyn far more than Weir does, even as I share Weir's fascination with her. (Weir at times seems to be trying to figure out why Henry ever liked Anne in the first place.) While agreeing that Anne was almost certainly not guilty of the crimes she was accused of (adultery, treason and incest), Weir follows the hostile sources (she continues to repeat the tale that Anne had an extra bit of a fingernail on one finger, the source for the later tales of Anne's six fingered hands), including hostile sources written well after Anne's death, and spends the first few chapters telling us what an awful, shrewish woman Anne was, almost completely without friends. Well, the woman lived in a cou And although she agrees that Anne's political battles with Henry's chief counselor, Thomas Cromwell, was one cause of Anne's fall, she does not focus on why: Anne the reformer was boldly attempting to reign in some of Cromwell's excesses against the monasteries and his redistribution of monastic wealth to his good friends and political supporters.

I don't want to suggest that Anne was a blameless victim, either. She handled matters with her stepdaughter Mary badly (which may have later helped intensify problems for her own daughter). As I've noted, she did not seem to have a gift for making friends, political or otherwise. That might not have helped her – certainly, friends and political connections did not help her predecessor much – but it perhaps increased her emotional instability, and also possibly led her, in an attempt to make friends, to make indiscreet statements. But I think it's critical to note that much of this probably stemmed from events in her later life. As a child, Anne was praised for her friendliness, charm, wit and pleasantness; the shrew depicted in the final sources is not only tinged by political hostility, but may very well have been formed from stress.

(It's only fair to note that my own image has probably been biased by other considerably more sympathetic biographies.)

I also continue to wonder just what Jane Seymour was thinking. We have an idea of what wife four, Anne of Cleves, was thinking – fear. It seems that wife five, Catherine Howard, just didn't think much (alas). From Catherine Parr, we have the confession that although she was in love with another man, she immediately realized that she had no choice. But of Jane Seymour, nothing, and I cannot help but wonder how much of her quietness and abjectness came from the sheer fear of remembering that her predecessor had been executed. Even while I cannot help but agree with the Victorian historian Agnes Strickland that Jane's marriage to Henry three days after Anne's execution, was, well, unseemly, although Strickland phrases it much better: "…given her hand to the regal ruffian before his wife's corpse was cold." Regal ruffian pretty much covers it, I think.

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