Have I really let about two years pass without a discussion of a Tudor biography? Yes? How awful. Let's catch up, with some chatter about Alison Weir's Mary Boleyn, Henry VIII's mistress – and the sister of his second wife, Anne Boleyn, executed after a few years of married life, since by that point Henry VIII wanted to make the ending of that marriage very, very final.

If you're unfamiliar with Alison Weir, she's a biographer who in the last couple of decades has made a nice career out of writing biographies of British royals, primarily from the Tudor period. Her works are usually competently written and well footnoted. But all of this time spent in Tudor archives has created one slight problem that has appeared in previous books: Weir has developed a hatred for Anne Boleyn, which keeps spilling over into other works, and makes it particularly difficult for her to write an unbiased biography of her sister.

Weir does try, and, more so than in her other books, provides alternative viewpoints or explanations, giving due weight to previous scholars and novelists (I suspect she's received several questions about The Other Boleyn Girl, book and movie, given the number of times this book is mentioned here.) Nonetheless, the hatred – almost venom – for Anne Boleyn slips through here, more than once. For instance, in a chapter where Weir takes some pains to point out that the rumors regarding Mary Boleyn's escapades in France may be greatly exaggerated, she claims that Anne Boleyn lost her virginity in France, to Henry's great disappointment – based on one single comment from an enemy's of Anne.

As I've noted previously, it must be difficult to read contemporary sources and not start hating Anne Boleyn – many of her contemporaries had excellent reasons for at least disliking her, if not outright hating her, and they did not hesitate to write these opinions down. Our primary source for her life is the hostile letters from one Eustace Chapuys, the ambassador from the Holy Roman Empire and Spain to the English court, who (correctly) saw Anne Boleyn as a pro-French and thus political enemy, and also saw her as the personal enemy of Catherine of Aragon, a woman he admired very much. His opinion is thus understandably biased – but it is the most detailed opinion that we have, and thus, influential.

But Weir's careful attempts to give an unbiased portrayal of and defend Mary Boleyn against the accusations of contemporaries and historians alike only highlight her bias towards Anne Boleyn. And, in her zeal to defend Mary Boleyn – a historical figure that, as Weir rightfully points out, we can know very little about – she does something odd: she makes Mary Boleyn seem bland.

Yes, bland. Mary was the mistress of at least one and more probably two kings (although Weir rushes to defend her against the charge that she also slept with the king of France, and makes a credible argument that this may not have been true, whatever Mary's later reputation.) She married twice, once to a prominent courtier, and later to a considerably less prominent courtier, a marriage so unworthy of the king's sister-in-law (as she was by that time) that she was banished from court. Her daughter, Katherine Carey, though given the name of Mary's first husband, may well have been Henry VIII's illegitimate daughter (Weir concludes that the evidence for this is suggestive, but not conclusive – possibly Mary herself was not sure.) Her children became prominent and trusted members of Elizabeth I's court, allowing her son Henry, Lord Hunsdon, to create a large and horrifically overdecorated tomb in Westminister Abbey of very dubious taste. (Er. That bit is my opinion, not Weir's.) Mary watched her sister take her place in the king's affections, and watched her sister's fall – and although we cannot know if she witnessed the executions of her sister and brother, she certainly knew of them.

How bland could she have been?

Well, apparently, very bland.

It's partly because we have very few documents surviving about Mary Boleyn -- contemporaries were more dazzled, or appalled, by her sister, and in any case many documents from the period have vanished from time. And partly because this biography, so determined to defend Mary Boleyn from questionable charges, strips her of most of the stories that made her seem such a fascinating figure.

Which is not to say that the book doesn't have its interesting moments. The Tudor obsessed will probably be most fascinated with the detailed chapter called "Hiding Royal Blood," where Weir carefully examines the debatable fertility of Henry VIII, partly to determine who fathered Mary Boleyn's children. She notes that contrary to popular opinion – fostered partly by Henry VIII himself, desperate to have sons – Henry VIII did father a number of children: at least six with Katherine of Aragon (four died shortly after birth, one was born dead, and Mary, the sixth, lived to maturity); four with Anne Boleyn, with one living daughter and three miscarriages (Weir convincingly argues here, and elsewhere, that the pattern suggests that Anne Boleyn was rhesus negative, which in Tudor times generally caused miscarriages and/or infant mortality); one with Jane Seymour; and one acknowledged illegitimate son with Elizabeth Blount.

In this book, Weir makes a strong argument that Henry VIII also sired two more children: Mary's daughter Katherine Carey, and Etheldreda, daughter of a laundress. In the first case, Henry and Mary had excellent reasons for keeping the paternity of Katherine Carey secret – even if Mary had known for sure, and she might not have. In the second case, Etheldreda's mother was, as you might be guessing from her job description, not exactly of the noble class, and hardly a liaison that the king would be bragging about. Nonetheless, Henry VIII provided for Etheldreda financially and ensured she had some sort of education, enough to allow her to work for and become close to Elizabeth I later.

It is highly unlikely, as Weir notes, that Henry VIII would have done this for a random daughter of a laundress (in fact Henry VIII did not provide financially for any of the other children of the various women who did his laundry), and thus, a strong indication that Henry VIII did not always officially acknowledge his illegitimate children, especially if this acknowledgement would be inconvenient. Which in turn eliminates the argument that of course Henry VIII would have acknowledged any children of his with Mary Boleyn. Any such acknowledgement would have been highly inconvenient, especially once Henry was attempting to marry Mary's sister, and ensure that Anne's children had an unquestioned, and above all, stable route to the throne that would avoid civil war. As Weir notes, it's another – if not conclusive – argument in favor for the theory that Katherine Carey was Henry VIII's child.

Details like this, and Weir's carefully constructed arguments, do make this an interesting read. I was just sad that its subject seemed stripped of almost all interest and intrigue.
Yesterday I chatted about Alison Weir's biography of Katherine Swynford. Today, I'll chat about
Weir's focus on the last days of Anne Boleyn, which fares rather less well.

Here, in contrast to Katherine Swynford, we have an abundance of documentation, far more than for most women of the period. The problem is, most of the surviving contemporary documentation comes from sources that had good economic and political reason to dislike Anne Boleyn, or genuinely were horrified at what they saw as an adulteress destroying a happy, contented marriage and later a church, or were just trying to get on someone's good side. It makes the surviving vitriol against Katherine Swynford look positively kindly by comparison.

The chief source for Anne Boleyn's fall and final days comes from one Eustace Chapuys, the Spanish Ambassor beloved by historians for his habit of writing lengthy, thorough and delightfully gossipy dispatches back home. Chapuys makes no pretense of unbias; he was actively plotting to get rid of Anne Boleyn to restore the king's daughter, Mary, to favor and her right to succession, on the correct assumption that Mary would favor Spanish policies. Using his dispatches as a chief source presents obvious problems (he continually called Anne Boleyn a Concubine and a Whore and gleefully reports every tiny nasty detail about her that he could dig up). Unfortunately, other sources often date from much later, are clearly wrong, and clearly untruthful (Chapuys is clearly biased, but does present the truth as he saw it.) This forces biographers to return to Chapuys, which in turn can lead them into a trap - the very trap Weir falls into.

The trap: a growing dislike of Anne Boleyn. Fairly clear from Weir's earlier take (The Six Wives of Henry VIII), this dislike is even more clear in the first chapters of this work. This dislike is understandable; as I've noted, the chief source for her life is invariably hostile, and from other contemporary documents, many other people did not like her either, or decided that they did not like her after her execution. Many objected to her role in what was widely accepted as adultery until the death of Catherine of Aragon; many blamed her for the deaths of religious and pious people who protested both the King's divorce and his takeover of the English church. In addition, it does seem that the entire dizzying experience of going from pursued lady in waiting to pregnant to queen to trial and execution did not do wonders for Anne's personality. These hostile sources describe her a difficult and edgy woman with a temper – not qualities admired in women in Tudor England. And she seemingly had little gift for making friends – although, then again, her position may have made that difficult, and here, the sources may fail us: contemporaries paid attention to Anne Boleyn's friends only if those friends appeared to hold political power, and after her death, very few admitted to befriending her until the accession of her daughter, Elizabeth I, to the throne, at which point numerous (equally dubious) sources sprung up portraying Anne Boleyn as a Protestant saint. (That role more correctly belongs to the scholarly, pious and deeply reformist Catherine Parr, Henry VIII's last queen, who supervised the education of the Protestant Elizabeth I.) Weir is correct to treat these later memories with suspicion.

But Weir apparently fails to recognize what feminist historians, and to a considerably lesser extent Catherine of Aragon, the Seymour family, and Catherine Parr have: Henry's relationship with Anne began as what we would now term sexual harassment, and moved to stalking shortly thereafter. It is not, therefore, entirely a surprise that he ended the relationship as many stalkers do (if with the advantage of having a terrified Parliament.)

As Karen Lindsey (in an otherwise not great book) noted, being a lady-in-waiting to Catherine of Aragon was Anne's job, a job she had spent years training for. Working as a lady-in-waiting meant the rare opportunity for an upper class woman to earn an independent salary, as well as enjoying the various entertainments and free food at the court, and the chance to meet and have some influence over the choice of a marriage partner. Anne's two potential marriage contracts had fallen through; her lady-in-waiting position represented her main chance at life. And Henry chose to pursue her as she was working, even after Anne made it clear that these intentions were not welcome, and even after Anne went to the lengths of leaving court. It is notable that the astute Catherine of Aragon said very little against her rival, focusing instead on Henry.

Note that the Seymours, in a position to observe exactly what was going on in the court, moved swiftly to show the king that they would be standing with their sister. They refused to let her be alone in his presence, guarding her at all times, and consistently emphasized her virtue. As did she, begging Henry to remember her reputation when he attempted to send her money and gifts. Many contemporaries, including Chapuys, were considerably more dubious about the morals of Jane Seymour, even prior to Anne Boleyn's death; she was in her twenties, and her contemporaries assumed that she was sexually experienced, although these tales were hushed up after her marriage. Obviously (and especially taking their later activities into account) some of the reactions of the Seymours were based in ambition and knowing that a commoner could be made queen, benefiting her family along the way, but it's also distinctly possible that the Seymours, watching and knowing Henry, moved to do what they could for a beloved sister stalked by a king.

Even today, women have difficulty with sexual harassment in the workplace. It was far worse for Anne, who was facing the most powerful man in the kingdom, a man with a temper known to execute his enemies. (This got worse after her own execution, but she would certainly have been aware of the multiple executions of courtiers for treason.) It is not remotely surprising that the stress of this, combined with the knowledge that the courts of England and Europe were specifically blaming Anne for breaking up the king's marriage, painting her as the Other Woman and far worse, would damage her personality.

And what a personality. After all, this was a woman who managed, against extraordinary odds, to put off the advances of a King – and especially this king and stalker – for years. (Her successors, including the cultured, intelligent and independently wealthy Catherine Parr, deeply in love with another man, did not even try.) And, if we take a slightly more romantic view (as some scholars have done), the woman who inspired her king to change the religion of an entire country and execute some of his top scholars along the way. (If I seem to be a bit anti-Henry VIII here, it's kinda that – I'm all for his gifts as a musician and for building up the Navy and rebuilding splendid palaces and even never losing hope in the redemptive power of marriages, but, when you start executing writers, which he did, I get mad.) She was also the woman who may have helped inspire Henry's decision to break with the Roman Catholic Church (some evidence suggests that she had a personal religious awakening, and was a reformist). And yes, the woman who by all of the generally hostile accounts turned into a severe bitch towards the end, before regaining her dignity at her trial and execution. (I like to think, romantically enough, that she remembered her daughter, and wanted to do what she could in the end for her.)

All of this is a digression to say that I tend to excuse Anne Boleyn far more than Weir does, even as I share Weir's fascination with her. (Weir at times seems to be trying to figure out why Henry ever liked Anne in the first place.) While agreeing that Anne was almost certainly not guilty of the crimes she was accused of (adultery, treason and incest), Weir follows the hostile sources (she continues to repeat the tale that Anne had an extra bit of a fingernail on one finger, the source for the later tales of Anne's six fingered hands), including hostile sources written well after Anne's death, and spends the first few chapters telling us what an awful, shrewish woman Anne was, almost completely without friends. Well, the woman lived in a cou And although she agrees that Anne's political battles with Henry's chief counselor, Thomas Cromwell, was one cause of Anne's fall, she does not focus on why: Anne the reformer was boldly attempting to reign in some of Cromwell's excesses against the monasteries and his redistribution of monastic wealth to his good friends and political supporters.

I don't want to suggest that Anne was a blameless victim, either. She handled matters with her stepdaughter Mary badly (which may have later helped intensify problems for her own daughter). As I've noted, she did not seem to have a gift for making friends, political or otherwise. That might not have helped her – certainly, friends and political connections did not help her predecessor much – but it perhaps increased her emotional instability, and also possibly led her, in an attempt to make friends, to make indiscreet statements. But I think it's critical to note that much of this probably stemmed from events in her later life. As a child, Anne was praised for her friendliness, charm, wit and pleasantness; the shrew depicted in the final sources is not only tinged by political hostility, but may very well have been formed from stress.

(It's only fair to note that my own image has probably been biased by other considerably more sympathetic biographies.)

I also continue to wonder just what Jane Seymour was thinking. We have an idea of what wife four, Anne of Cleves, was thinking – fear. It seems that wife five, Catherine Howard, just didn't think much (alas). From Catherine Parr, we have the confession that although she was in love with another man, she immediately realized that she had no choice. But of Jane Seymour, nothing, and I cannot help but wonder how much of her quietness and abjectness came from the sheer fear of remembering that her predecessor had been executed. Even while I cannot help but agree with the Victorian historian Agnes Strickland that Jane's marriage to Henry three days after Anne's execution, was, well, unseemly, although Strickland phrases it much better: "…given her hand to the regal ruffian before his wife's corpse was cold." Regal ruffian pretty much covers it, I think.
As an unabashed addict to anything Tudor history related, I naturally had to grab Alison Weir's latest work on the subject, The Lady in the Tower: the Fall of Anne Boleyn.. While I was at it, I also checked out her earlier work, Mistress of Monarchy: The Life of Katherine Swynford, Duchess of Lancaster. Let's chat about that one first.

The book would probably have been better off with the title The Life and Times of Katherine Swynford, Duchess of Lancaster, since, although Katherine Swynford (c. 1350-1403) was the long time mistress and later wife of the fabulously wealthy John of Gaunt (you may remember him from his overly long death speech in Shakespeare's Richard II, unless you repressed this from your memory), and in all probability Geoffrey Chaucer's sister-in-law (the relationship is not quite as proven as Weir states it is, but the preponderance of evidence suggests, yes) and had an abundance of children, records about her are scanty at best. We have nothing that she wrote, and aside from legal documents, and some unproven speculation that her character might have helped inspire that of Chaucer's Wife of Bath (very unproven!), most of our information about her comes from people with extreme economic and political reasons to lie about her for good and evil. By "extreme," I mean, "were worried about losing their heads/were blaming her for an upcoming loss of a head/were trying to usurp a throne/were trying not to lose a throne." That sort of motivation. These were not people interested, for instance, in telling us that Katherine Swynford liked to curl up with a book and was more of a dog than a cat person. (I have just made both of those facts up. Katherine Swynford was probably literate, and financial records and her later position in life suggest she had horses, but that's about the extent of our information about her scholarly and animal interests, although I like to think that she had a cat or a small dog. It seems a duchessy sort of thing to have.)

The extreme paucity of the sources stems from multiple causes: the inevitable loss of legal and other records from Katherine's life, the lack of sources in general for the period (the printing press was only to arrive in England about 76 years after her death), and the fact that Katherine Swynford was the sort of scandalous ancestor that pious people preferred to sort of sweep under the table. It did not help, for instance, the already rather shaky Tudor cause to know that their claim to the throne came directly from Katherine Swynford and from some rather dubious legal documents that decided that since she had eventually married John of Gaunt, their children, born when the two were distinctly not married (and John of Gaunt was most distinctly married to Constance of Castile) were legitimate after all. It's not surprising that the Tudors, and others, did not want to dwell on this, and did not exactly encourage people to run around collecting Swynford memorabilia.

The result is a book fascinating in its demonstration of the use of inference and speculation. Take this one sample passage as an example:

John spent much of April at Kenilworth. Constance was with him at first, but left for Tutbury before he departed for the St. George's festivities at Windsor: She evidently still preferred to hold herself aloof from the English court and to remain in seclusion with her ladies. But the duke had maintained great state while she was with him at Kenilworth, and his daily expenditure decreased significantly after she left. Clearly he was still treating her with great respect and deference, deliberately emphasizing her status as the Queen of Castile.


Sounds reasonable enough, but let's unpack this. Weir is assuming:

1. Constance had the option of holding herself aloof from the English court, and was not, in fact, sent to Tutbury by either her husband or the king.
2. Constance preferred seclusion, and was not actually a) banished by her husband, who saw her just often enough to keep up appearances, or b) avoiding the sight of her husband hanging out with his mistress.

It's entirely possible that Constance did accept the situation, or was happy with the situation, and made friends with her husband's mistress; polyamory is not that new of a concept, and Constance and John married for politics, not love. (They literally do not seem to have spoken the same language; his Castilian was not good and her knowledge of English and French is uncertain.) It's equally possible that she was not at all happy with the situation. The point is, we can't tell.

3. John respected Constance, and was not just using her as an excuse to party and eat rich foods.

4. John did not look at himself after Constance left and said, Hmm, putting on the pounds there, let's cut back a little.

5. Constance was not taking revenge on the whole "you took your mistress to court!" thing by demanding that John spend lots of money on her.

6. John was not using the occasion to remind everyone that through Constance he was sorta technically the king of Castile (even if someone else was actually doing the whole ruling thing) and trying to show off.

7. The extra expenditures were not purely coincidental/because they had more servants around when Constance was about.

And so on. My point is, we really have no idea what either Constance or John was thinking.

These assumptions get considerably dicier when Weir starts discussing the sex lives of Constance, John, Katherine and the Chaucers. With a complete lack of other information, she uses pregnancies to determine when and if the couples were sleeping together. This is dicey for any number of reasons: 1) we often do not know when, exactly, these children were born (guesses often cover a five to six year span) making it equally difficult to know when they were conceived, and 2) this does not account for either natural miscarriages, which were not documented, or the possibility that the couples were using one of the rudimentary and unreliable birth control or natural abortifacients available at the time, also not documented. (It's unlikely, but possible, especially if one of the women had had a difficult or troubling pregnancy; Chaucer was not a nobleman in urgent need of an heir, and John of Gaunt already had one, the son who would eventually become Henry IV.) And yet Weir chooses pregnancy to try to draw inferences about these relationships.

When it comes to Katherine Swynford's feelings, which she does a credible job of trying to infer, she is on even shakier ground: she assumes that Katherine Swynford was enough in love with John of Gaunt to risk the loss of her reputation (and it was, indeed, completely lost in certain highly disapproving monastic chronicles), rather than what some contemporaries apparently thought: that she was after John of Gaunt's money. (He was ten years older than she, married, and one of the wealthiest men in Europe; it was an understandable conclusion.) Certainly John of Gaunt cared enough for Katherine Swynford to eventually marry her, to great scandal and merry gossip, but this might also have been a way to improve the fortunes of their children, who would thus gain a more legitimate status.

And the kids seem to have done fairly well. Their son Henry Beaufort, in a delightful example of the endemic corruption in the medieval church, became a bishop at the age of about 20. (This youthful promotion did not go unnoticed or unprotested, but those days, when the pope did a mostly unjustified favor for an old supporter, people said, yay, bishop. Drinks all around then!) Their son John Beaufort became a marquess and the ancestor of the Tudors and the Stewarts; their daughter Joan Beaufort married one of the Nevilles, eventually becoming the ancestress of the House of York. (Which meant that from Katherine Swynford descended the houses of both Lancaster and York.)

Aside from the multiple "well, that sounds plausible, but" inevitable in any biography of this sort, Weir's done a pretty impressive job here, especially with explaining the tangled relationships and politics of the period. I'm not entirely sure she's taken the full psychological effect of the devastation of the Black Death into account, and I have some quibbles with her statements about social status and climbing in the post Black Death period, but she's created a very readable work about the 14th century.

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